Panels - EAST ASIAN LANGUAGES AND CULTURESSession One Friday, 1. PMA. Configuring Gender: Politics, Religion, Society . These scholars have offered various explanations: the tendency for these organizations to revert to male- dominated leadership after the death of the founder, the patriarchal nature of many of their teachings counteracting the founder’s personal innovation, or the female founder being disconnected from communities of women and thus failing to identify with others of her gender. This paper offers an alternative explanation: “female” founders have often failed to extend their innovative conceptions of gender to others because they identified not with womanhood but with an androgynous or combinatory gender identity. After becoming possessed by the One True God, Sayo cultivated a more masculine gender presentation and was reborn with an androgynous nature. I argue that moving beyond the male/female binary may shed light on the role of gender in Japanese NRMs—how it is discussed and conceptualized, what elements are required to create “authentic” androgyny, and why innovative gender roles and ideas may die with the (gender binary- defying) founder. Shiye Fu (Columbia University)Silence and Yearnings of Chinese Women: The Untold Story Around 1. In September 1. 99. Fourth World Conference on Woman and the parallel NGO Forum on Women were held in Beijing and Huairou, China. Focusing on the NGO Forum held in Huairou, this article tried to unpack the untold stories related to Chinese participants. As an attempt to combine both historical and anthropological views, it reexamined the NGO Forum in a new way. Previous studies on the NGO Forum tend to consider it an historical hallmark of the development of Chinese feminism. However, by tracing back to official documents and women’s own narratives about the forum, I argued that during the forum Chinese participants were silenced and restricted by strong state power. For them, the NGO Forum became a nationalist performance to show the progress China has made. The silencing process was completed in two steps. First, through top- down mobilization, the participants of the NGO Forum were actually selected by the government. While including a small portion of women, the government was excluding most women, which was the perquisite of a nationalist performance. Second, after going through trainings before the forum, participants became performative subjects who behaved and spoke in a specific way to meet the nationalist standards. Title: 18 Feb, Author. Netanyahu is defending the actions of Israel’s security forces following a public uproar over the. Yet the data used are often poorly understood, or of poor quality to begin with. The recent uproar over the number of SARS cases. Uproar in Heaven Da Su, Chen. Gao Qiu's rise to prominence The Theosophical Society in America encourages open-minded inquiry into world religions, philosophy, science, and the arts in order to understand the wisdom of the. Such an uproar that the older gods wanted to destroy them. The Water Margin (1997 TV series): Wikis: Advertisements. Note: Many of our articles have direct quotes from sources you can cite. Creating an uproar on Mount Wutai. Chinese Student Program Hunter College. Uproar in Heaven, (2). Mount Wutai to the Dunhuang Caves, (4) Faces of a. Finally, by bringing to light the untold stories around 1. B. Land and Empire in Premodern Korea . Cultural Topics and Activities. One of the five sacred Buddhist mountains in China, Mount Wutai. Kalarupa, splendid, fierce in form! With vajra song, making great uproar, I offer a torma. Pilgrimage to Mount Wutai. This paper examines the transmission of information about the Korean invasions from China and Korea into Japan, and the influence that this had on historical memory. As such, various new forms of diplomacy were hatched during the span of this relationship between the Kory. Typically, this practice meant an official presence at a court assembly, but during the 1. Kory. However, closer examination reveals that the practice cannot be considered merely an act of subservience. Personal meetings between a Chinese emperor and a king of the Korean peninsula were a form of diplomacy previously unheard of. Such costly and unconventional court attendance by the Kory. On its surface, the practice of court attendance seemed to fulfill the norms of subservient diplomacy between a tribute nation and its empirical authority. However, underneath the surface, the practice proved to be a premodern monarch’s strategic diplomacy to address important issues regarding the preservation of his state. John S. Lee (Harvard University)The Rise of State Forestry in Early Chos. During the dynasty’s tumultuous early years, forest resources provided solutions to various problems. A larger navy could finally put to rest the pirate threat from the Japanese archipelago. The monarchy could literally construct the foundations of its power, using forests to build palaces and government offices in the new capital, Hanyang (Seoul). The state could actively reform national customs (kuksok . In each case, from warships to buildings to coffins, wood resources were vital. However, the state could not simply gather timber at will. Forest resources were sought and used by all people, for fuel wood and construction, as swidden source and reclaimable land, as hunting and grazing grounds. Their solution was to create a new administrative category, the Restricted Forest (k. At the forefront of state forestry efforts stood the pine tree. By identifying key pine forests and protecting them for their timber, the early Chos. However, growing anxieties about timber scarcity spurred arguments to protect pines. Protected pine groves in Restricted Forests became the center of the state’s imaginary landscape in which one tree species stood apart on an institutional pedestal surrounded by existential threats: ignorant loggers, swidden farmers, pirates, hunters, and starving peasants. For the rest of the dynasty, state forestry became yoked to “pine protection,” with interesting social and environmental consequences. C. New Perspectives on Tibetan Buddhism . Gray Tuttle (Columbia University)Ling- wei Kung (Columbia University)Stillness and Fluidity: Tibetan Buddhist Material Culture and Imperial Mentalities of Qing Emperors. According to the New Qing historians, Manchu emperors have two different images: the benevolent emperors of Chinese and bellicose Khans of Inner Asian people. The first one was the continuity of Chinese political traditions. On the other hand, for Manchus, Mongols and Tibetans, Qing emperors were deemed as fearless warriors and Buddhist protectors. These two political images of Qing emperors reflected a critical tension between Chinese and Inner Asian traditions; however, compared with their Chinese counterparts, the Inner Asian factors of the Qing dynasty have relatively been ignored, especially the unique ethnicity and the spiritual world of Qing emperors. Although Qing emperors acted as Confucian literati in certain occasions, there were thousands of Buddhist statues, portraits and instruments secretly worshiped in the imperial palaces of Qing. Comparing with related literal records, these materials can truly mirror the innermost world of Qing emperors. The present study is going to discuss the duality of Qing legitimacy by reconstructing the mentalities of Qing emperors through combing the Tibetan Buddhist material culture and multilingual materials preserved in imperial palaces. Through setting Tibetan Buddhist material culture in the context of the ethnicity of the Qing dynasty, this paper attempts to illustrate the relations between the Buddhist legitimacy and the personal beliefs of Qing emperors. From the perspective of Tibetan Buddhist material culture, Qing emperors believed Buddhism could protect the universal order and sentient beings. Therefore, Qing emperors set mandalas in the political center of the Forbidden City, worshipping relics of predominant lamas, and lent powerful Buddhist instruments and talismans to generals in order to pacify rebellions in frontiers. That is the reason Qing emperors were eager to collect and worship Buddhist artifacts with magic power. Qichen Qian (Columbia University)Belied Bellicosity: Tibetan Buddhists Wrestling with Militia in Eighteenth Century Tibet. During the eighth century, Tibetan Empire conquered as far as what is now Afghanistan, India, Xinjiang and even occupied Chang’an, capital of the all powerful Tang dynasty at the time. Its military power was one of the six major ruling regimes in Eurasia during its peak time. However, after about three hundred years fragmentation, Tibet became a “hermit” and was seen as a militarily incapable area under the Manchu and the Mongolian control. This presentation seeks to investigate the military organization in the Tibetan military between 1. From the Dzungar War of 1. Bhutan civil war between 1. Tibetans revolutionized their military system and produced an organized army whose excellence was widely recognized in Inner Asia and by the Qing empire. This presentation aims to study the organization of Tibetan Buddhism on Tibetan military force during the eighteenth century mainly through the Dzungar War and Dbus Gtsang Civil War. The Tibetan military led by Polhan. Buddhism was deeply embedded in Polhan. Their personal equipments as well as the army formation and its division, manifested the ingrained Buddhist ideas into this indigenous military troop. By delving into data such as military organization, size of the central government army, rituals and exercises; this presentation seeks to uncover new materials on Tibetan military history and interactions with Inner Aisa during the early eighteenth century. Tracy Howard (Columbia University)Transplanting Cultural Spaces: A Tibetan Buddhist Praise of a Qing Imperial Garden. This paper explores Tibet- Qing cultural relations through the writings of a prominent Tibetan Buddhist lama from the 1. The Third Thu’u bkwan, Blo zang chos kyi nyi ma (1. Tibetan cultural capital of Lhasa, his native land of Amdo (Eastern Tibet, present- day Qinghai Province), Mongolia, and the Qing imperial capital of Beijing. I explore the implications of some of his poetry, especially in regards to his status as an “intermediary” between Tibet and China as a Tibetan Buddhist lama at the court. I do so primarily by considering a poem he wrote in praise of the imperial gardens of the Qianlong Emperor. Written while staying in the gardens with his own teacher, Lcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje, at the permission of the emperor, the poem takes the form of a common Tibetan genre, that of praising place, especially retreats from the bustling life of urban/village society.
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